Murray Rothbard might be unfamiliar to many, but he is a bona fide economist, with what some would qualify as libertarian leanings and views, and the author of numerous books on economics and, most imp0rtantly, banking. He is an established name in the field, and that makes his views here even more interesting:
Beyond the numerous dots connected by Rothbard in this short article, one sees the outlines of something that it is worth drawing attention to here, for I have drawn attention to it not only in various blogs here, but also in various books and talk show appearances. First, by calling attention to the Rockefeller and Morgan interests, Rothbard is in fact pointing to the existence, within what I have called the Anglo-American corporate elite, and what others such as The Daily Bell call the “Anglosphere”, of two predominant factions: the “Rockefeller” interest, representing a constellation of oil and banking, and the Rothschild interest (via the Morgans), representing a kind of mirror image, banking and oil.
As I have noted elsewhere(The Nazi International, Babylon’s Banksters, and now more recently, Saucers, Swastikas, and Psyops and the book of co-author Scott D deHart and I now in press at Feral House), the numerous patent and license agreements between the Rockefeller interest and I.G. Farben and other German pre-war combines represents a peculiar feature of that particular faction, namely, the acquisition and control of advanced technologies of all types. In a distinctively different approach, if one studies the patterns of the Rothschild interest or faction rather carefully, one will see an emphasis not so much on technology, but of actual control of land. One may think only of the Rothschild faction’s backing of the so-called World Wilderness Bank congress in the late 1990s, wherein a scheme was floated for a new form of currency backed by the world’s wilderness land. Of course, such a scheme of classification has its drawbacks, since the Rockefeller faction, with its vast penetration into agribusiness, is obviously interested in land, and conversely, the Rothschild faction can hardly avoid technology.What Rothbard’s article highlights, however, is the willingness of these factions to work together if in their mutual interest to do so.
However, to anyone really paying attention, there is a third party, a third faction, that is so often overlooked in the analyses of historians and economists like Rothbard, and it is of course, once again, the post-war Nazi faction and I would argue, the large criminal syndicates with which it is affiliated, which, however one slices it, was sitting on top of a massive pile of cash and other liquid assets, and in the possession, by any accounts, of some rather advanced technology for the day. And this points out an area of analysis that economic historians such as Rothbard would do well to concentrate upon: the postwar role of large off-the-books macro-economies, such as the black budgets and programs of intelligence and military bureaucracies. The kind of dot-connecting Rothbard does here needs to be done, as I have attempted to do in The Nazi International or even LBJ and the Conspiracy to Kill Kennedy, but there is much more that needs to be done. I suspect that if a genuine economic history of the postwar period incorporating these underground elements into the total picture could at least be outlined, we would have a powerful clue into the nature of the mess we’re now in. We are, in short, dealing with much more than the irreponsibility of banksters or oil men, but also with a criminal underground class, with advanced technologies, and with hidden power structures. One need only look at figures like John J. McCloy, erstwhile American lawyer for IG Farben, postwar High COmmissioner of Germany, and Warren Commissioner, or Allen Dulles, money-launderer par excellence for the Nazis and the American financial elite, negotiator with Nazi General Reinhard Gehlen, former director of the CIA, and yet another Warren commissioner, to see the overlap of these three factions and their importance in the post-war world.